The system certainly has its advantages. It more or less guarantees national ownership of European decision-making; people recognize their fingerprints on the final deal. This sense of ownership helps to explain why the alliance still exists many crises in recent years: Member States have invested in it, depend on it and, importantly, want it to survive. But the downside of this approach is that by seeking consensus on almost every issue, Europe becomes only as strong as its weakest link. Leaders frequently make half-baked decisions because some countries refuse to go further, with results that do not always meet the real needs of Europe.
For example, the army. Hungary, for example, has blocked a number of foreign policy statements against Russia or China to which all other member states have agreed. Poland, for its part, was alone dilution Europe’s climate goals. And before the presidential election in France, the government there delay a decision Regarding the European oil embargo against Russia, concerns about rising energy prices could benefit Le Pen in her campaign against Mr. Macron. Often, Europe is a game of member states seeking to advance their own narrow interests. However, the “pro-European” Macron is no exception.
That’s why elections often cause such headaches. Democracy, to be sure, is Europe’s strength. That is the union’s core value, its beating heart. But democracy is also Europe’s weakness. That’s because the union isn’t really European: Instead, it involves 27 separate, national democracies. If one of them creates a Eurosceptic government, it could jeopardize the entire European project, which depends on consensus. The coalition is effectively held hostage every time elections are held somewhere – hardly a sustainable way to do things.
French elections, Mr. Macron said, is “a referendum on Europe.” The problem with Europe is precisely this: Every election is a referendum on Europe, in every corner of the continent. It would be odd if a state election in Montana or Mississippi risked undermining the Republic or derailing its foreign policy. In Europe, this is normal practice. That is part of the reason why, despite its success as a global economic power and a beacon of stability, Europe often lacks confidence and looks vulnerable to the wind. lightest.
However, this paradox need not be permanent. In a world defined by instability, great power competition and soaring prices, Europe must take care of itself – and it has the means to do so. One embargo in stages for Russian oil, which is likely to be completed this week, is just the beginning. In the context of the war in Ukraine, a collective provision of defense and security is also imperative, as is the energy alliance. Furthermore, some kind of fiscal union – underpinning the existing monetary union – may also be needed, to coordinate the serious investments needed to strengthen Europe’s resilience. Realizing the need for strengthened unity, a group of European intellectuals last week even called the United States of Europe.
I’m not sure the union will ever get there. But it would be nice if in this year’s Berlin policy game, instead of worrying about worst-case scenarios, we could let ourselves envision a stronger, bolder European Union. If we could all allow Europe to stand a little more firmly on its feet, it would make a world of difference.
