ATHENS – “I am committed,” Kyriakos Mitsotakis told an audience of industrialists and entrepreneurs in April 2018, to “a government of really the best people. “Under his leadership, the evils of the past – autocracy, corruption – will no longer be tolerated. Greek, he announced on the day he becomes prime minister in July 2019, can “proudly hold his head high once more”.
Three years later, many outsiders were convinced of the reform. Microsoft, Pfizer and JP Morgan Chase have established offices in the country, Reasonable visa program encouraged thousands of digital nomads to move to Athens and promoted non-stop tourism – “You’ll want to stay forever!” run slogan – attracted a record number of Americans to the Aegean this summer. Even Supervision of the European Union of the economy is about to close. After a difficult decade, the country seems to have undergone a spectacular transformation.
But in Greece, a dark reality is brewing. Corruption and conflicts of interest that Mr. Mitsotakis pledged to tackle at the root not only persist but also, In much respect, appear denser and deeper. Far from being overhauled, the Greek state received only a cosmetic makeover, a change of clothes for the manager. In recent weeks, a wiretapping scandal sensationalized the fundamental rot. Dubbed the Watergate of Greece, it has revealed hierarchical scrutiny beneath the glittering surface. The “”Greece 2.0Mitsotakis promised, it turned out to be more similar.
The scandal started with Thanasis Koukakis, a financial journalist known for his investigation of powerful figures in the banking sector. In June 2020, Greek intelligence agencies put him under surveillance – eavesdropping on his phone – on the grounds that he posed a threat to national security. Two months later, Mr. Koukakis, unmasking the wiretapping, confronted the authorities. His follow-up stopped that day.
That seems to be the end of it. Then, last July, he received a text message from an unknown number. “Thanasis, did you know about this?” read the message in Greek, followed by a link he clicked. It went on to infect his iPhone with Predator, malicious spyware that transferred his data to a mysterious company based in Cyprus, registered in Athens called Intellexa.
He’s not the only Greek to receive such messages. In September of last year, Nikos Androulakis – a member of the European Parliament and then a leading candidate to take over Pasok, Greece’s centre-left party and historic rival to Mr. Mitsotakis’ party – was sent away same link. He didn’t click on it. Just a few days ago, for reasons the government has not yet full explanationhe was placed under the legal supervision of the Greek intelligence agencies.
For decades now, phone eavesdropping has been a sinister feature of the Greek state. But under Mr. Mitsotakis, national surveillance has expanded into an uncontrollable bureaucracy. One of his first acts as prime minister was to put Greek intelligence under the direct control of his office, then install – by legal amendments – a former executive of a global security company as its director. Since then, the number of Greek phones being tapped has steadily increased. Last year on average, 42 devices were allowed to eavesdrop per day, a total of more than 15,000 Greek phones under government supervision at any time.
That is an amazing number. However, this form of wiretapping is not yet – at least in theory – legal. The use of Predator, has been clear condemnation by the European Union, is something completely different. Is it possible that Greece’s intelligence agencies, which have waged an extensive surveillance campaign, have outsourced more intrusive wiretapping to a shady private company? Could Mr. Mitsotakis’ government be behind the hack?
We don’t know, but a clue came from inside the prime minister’s office. On his fourth day in power, Mr. Mitsotakis appointed Grigoris Dimitriadis – his former campaign manager and nephew – as secretary general. The location is one of the key in Greece, a conduit of information between the prime minister and, among other areas of the state, its national security complex. In recent months, Greek journalists have made a series of interesting revelations regarding Mr. Dimitriadis, most notably while in office he made financial transactions with a group of entrepreneurs who also have deals with the owners of Intellexa.
It remains unproven to what extent, if at all, Mr. Mitsotakis knows about the Predator deployment in Greece. He has yet to address the issue directly, suggesting instead that the scandal plaguing his government may be the work of “my black forces outside Greece. However, members of his government have denied the allegations. “The Greek state does not procure any illegal surveillance systems from companies like Predator,” a minister, pastor emphasis in June. Can Mr. Mitsotakis’ government have However, purchased data collected through such monitoring remains an open question.
Lots of other questions. Intellexa office in Athens, for one, yes haven’t been raided yet and probably continue to work. Why? The setback seems to have been destined elsewhere: In early August, Mr. Mitsotakis’ head of intelligence and his general secretary resigned. Without resigning, the prime minister’s office and a government official were quick to clarify whether there was anything to do with the Predator attacks. One person participated in “incorrect action“While the other is the victim of one”Toxic climate. “What these actions are and why the environment is polluted has not yet been determined.
The problem is not that corruption under Mr. Mitsotakis is necessarily more prevalent than in previous Greek governments – or in many other European countries. (Opposition leaders and journalists have targeted by spyware in France, Spain, Hungary and Poland.) Rather, the conflict is unsustainable between the country Mitsotakis insists on promoting abroad – a uniquely democratic country with respect for the rule of law. and liberties should be rewarded by companies. investments and travel dollars – and the one he actually presides over.
In May, as matters related to the spying scandal began to surface, Mr. Mitsotakis flew to Washington to provide a speech to the National Assembly about the importance of upholding democratic values and resisting excessive autocracy. In 40 minutes, he explains the need for strong social trust and institutions. “The ancient Greeks,” he said to applause, “thoughts of arrogance, extremism and beyond the worst threats to democracy.”
The question for Mr. Mitsotakis is: Why doesn’t he feel the same way?
Alexander Clapp is a journalist who has written for, among other publications, The London Review of Books, Foreign Policy and The Economist.
The Times is committed to publishing variety of letters for the editor. We’d love to know what you think of this or any of our articles. Here are some advice. And here is our email: [email protected].
Follow the New York Times Opinion section on Facebook, Twitter (@NYTopinion) and Instagram.
