Yekaterina Kolotovkina, head of a soldier’s humanitarian fund and wife of a Russian general who is fighting in Ukraine, told the Samara rally, echoing the main theme of state propaganda: “The whole of the West has closed its ranks against us to destroy us. .
On social media, initial calls by pro-war Russian commentators accusing the officials responsible for the losses in Makiivka of treason gave way to more cautious criticism of Mr. local military decisions and tips to avoid future disasters. There seems to be no direct criticism of Putin, with covert attacks often targeting his senior officials.
Putin’s instinct to blame was evident in a post by an influential Russian military blogger, Anastasia Kashevarova, a native of the Samara region, on Monday night. “Yes, Vladimir Vladimirovich, we love our country,” she wrote, referring to Putin. “I love Russia so much that I hate specific characters in your entourage.”
But some analysts believe a wave of protests is still possible. Mikhail Vinogradov, a Russian political scientist, notes that the public backlash to military casualties during the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in the 1980s “didn’t happen instantaneously, not instantaneously, not immediately. in the first year of the war”.
“The fact that the public backlash against Putin in Russia has yet to materialize can mean one of two things: either the political system is ‘maximum stability’ or the feeling that it frustration is slowly building and “maybe one day lead to a burst of energy.
“Both theories have a right to exist,” he said.
For the Kremlin, it’s not just war that can create political instability this year. Russia’s next presidential election is scheduled for March 2024. Although Mr. Putin will not face any real election competition, election day is drawing near as analysts say Analysts and members of Russia’s elite have seen this as the moment when Mr. Putin, 70, can make clear who he wants to eventually succeed him.
