This area will go to the polls after a decade.

On a bright September afternoon, a colorful convoy of vehicles, draped with flags, arrived at a village in Indian-administered Kashmir to participate in an election campaign.

Iltija Mufti, a politician of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), slowly stepped out of the sunroof of one of the cars.

“Yeli ye Mufti (When the Mufti comes to power),” she shouted to the crowd gathered to listen to the third-generation leader of one of the region’s most influential political dynasties.

“Teli Tch’le Sakhti (Then the oppression will end),” they answered in unison.

From a distance, soldiers wearing bulletproof vests and armed with automatic rifles stood guard, watching every movement.

For the first time in a decade, elections were held in 47 assembly seats in Kashmir, a region long marked by violence and unrest. The region, claimed by both India and Pakistan, has been the scene of three wars between the nuclear-armed neighbors. Since the 1990s, an armed insurgency against Indian rule has claimed the lives of thousands of people, including civilians and security forces.

The three-phase voting will also extend to 43 seats in neighbouring Jammu, which has a Hindu majority.

The election is the first since 2019, when Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s government revoked Jammu and Kashmir’s autonomy, stripping the state of its autonomy and dividing it into two federally administered territories. The region has since been administered by a federal administrator.

In this competition, 13 major parties are competing for a majority of seats in the 90-seat parliament.

The main players are the two main regional parties – the PDP led by Mehbooba Mufti and the National Conference (NC) led by Omar Abdullah. Both Mufti and Abdullah are former chief ministers of the region.

NC has formed an alliance with India’s main opposition party, the Congress Party.

Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) is also contesting the elections but not many are betting on it, as it has a strong presence in Jammu but a weak political base in the valley.

In the last election in 2014, the BJP formed a coalition government with the PDP after winning Jammu. The alliance fell apart in 2018 after years of disagreement.

Also pictured, this time, is Engineer Rashid – a controversial politician who spent five years in prison on terrorism charges and was released on bail this week. Rashid shot to fame earlier this year when he won a surprise general election victory over Abdullah. He fought the election from prison, with his sons leading an emotional campaign on the ground.

Elections in Kashmir have long been controversial, with residents and separatist leaders often boycotting the process, seeing it as an attempt by Delhi to legitimize its control.

Kashmir has held 12 elections since 1947, but turnout has often been low and marked by violence. Militants have attacked polling stations and security forces have been accused of forcing voters to come out and cast ballots. Hundreds of political workers have been kidnapped or killed by militant groups since the 1990s.

But for the first time in decades, even separatist leaders are running for many seats.

Among these, the most closely watched party is the banned Jamaat-e-Islami (JEI), which has joined hands with Rashid’s Awami Ittehad Party (AIP).

Residents will vote to elect a local council, headed by a chief minister and a council of ministers. Although the council will have limited powers under Delhi rule, it has raised hopes of political change in the valley.

Almost all opposition parties have pledged to restore the region’s autonomy and special status. The BJP has ruled out restoring autonomy but has promised to restore autonomy to Jammu and Kashmir “at an appropriate time after the elections”.

Most people seem to have accepted the loss of autonomy for their areas.

“I don’t think Article 370 will be invoked again unless some miracle happens,” said Suheel Mir, a research scholar, adding that the parties had made promises about restoring autonomy in a “politically charged” atmosphere to win votes.

Many young men and women said they were more concerned about issues like political instability, corruption and above all unemployment – ​​which is also a major concern in Jammu.

“We want to vote to solve our daily problems. It has nothing to do with the Kashmir dispute,” said a man who did not want to be named.

But others said they did not want to give the impression that they had accepted the events of 2019 and would contest the election simply to vote against the BJP.

“We want to send a message to the government that this recall is unacceptable to us no matter what,” said Zameer Ahmad, 38.

Five years ago, when the Modi government revoked Article 370, a 70-year-old constitutional provision that granted autonomy to the region, it said it needed to restore normalcy in India’s only Muslim-majority region.

The move sparked a strict security crackdown, mass arrests, curfews and months-long internet blackouts, depriving people of their jobs and land.

Since then, Modi and his ministers have talked extensively about a new era of peace and development in Kashmir, announcing projects worth hundreds of millions of dollars that they say are part of a plan to integrate the region’s economy with the rest of India. (Until Jammu and Kashmir’s special status is revoked, outsiders cannot buy land to do business there.)

But locals say they have yet to see the benefits of such projects and still struggle with violence and high unemployment.

Thousands of Indian troops remain deployed there, with powers that have led to decades of allegations of human rights abuses.

“There is no democracy and freedom in Kashmir and many political activists are still in jail,” said political scientist Noor Ahmad Baba.

“The election allows people to make a judgment for or against these changes.”

Mood swings can be seen everywhere.

Across Jammu and Kashmir, streets were decorated with posters, party flags and billboards, and men at local bakeries discussed the election results comfortably over cups of tea.

“There has been a complete overhaul of traditional political narratives,” said Tooba Punjabi, a researcher.

“In the past, public boycotts shaped elections. But now, it’s a means of putting the right party in a position to repair the damage.”

The shift in political attitudes was also evident earlier this year, when Kashmir recorded a record voter turnout of 58.46% in parliamentary elections.

Many residents are now pinning their hopes on regional parties to advance their demands.

“These parties have acted as a shield between Delhi and Kashmir,” said businessman Tahir Hussain, adding that “it doesn’t matter who forms the government as long as it is a local government.”

Analysts say the BJP’s performance could also suffer a blow in Jammu this time, where discord and infighting have derailed the party’s ambitions.

Anger is growing among residents dissatisfied with the party’s policies.

So far, the BJP’s development drive has been welcomed by the people of Jammu, who hope it will bring more economic opportunities to them.

But many say they have yet to see any signs of change. “In fact, now that Article 370 has been revoked, people from other states are flocking to Jammu. Our rights to jobs and land are being taken away,” said Gulchain Singh Charak, a local politician.

Sunil Sethi, the BJP’s chief spokesperson in the region, has denied the allegations.

“We have undertaken major infrastructure development projects, building roads and attracting foreign investors here,” he said.